RE: The Role of Social Movements in the Arab Revolts

Like many have probably said, social media become a major/important tool when it comes to forming and spreading the messages of social movements over the past few years. Social media for people has become a platform to communicate and express their emotions frustrations of what has been going on in their country, and a lot of times have evidence to back their frustration up. Social media is in many scenerios in MENA states the only way they can excercise their free speech. Social media outlets are just a platform that accompanies the social movements, it is just a tool not the sole "game changer" that role lies in the people and the way they set up such social mobilizations. In the Arab revolts of 2011 Axford brought up the point in his "Talk about a Revolution: Social Media and the MENA Uprisings" that social media was in some cases that social media was not as "free" as people not living in the world of MENA might think.  It is important to note that in most cases the government has full control in what citizens are allowed and prohibited since they have control of the state's internent serves. If they see something that they don't like, they can easily remove it or block that outlet completely. Hence though this idea of "free speech" has limitations that the people have to work around to get their movements out to their targetted arudience.  For example, in Tunisia bloggers among others who used their platform to promote social mocements were imprisonsed among other sorts of punishment. 

I believe that the Arab revolts of 2011 would most likely not have been as successful as it was without the use of social media. I believe that a lot of people living in Western countries would have not understood the severity of what the people of the states in MENA are going through without the videos among other things posted on social media.  

RE: The Rise (and Fall) of Political Islamist

A major reason why certain Islamist revolts have yielded such successes is because of the unity of the communities. For example, the united frustration and oppression that they felt let them create outlets and groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood. Such groups were able to create the conversations and a support system to help the people of the state. When the people of the state are finally fed up of being mistreated the separation between becomes greater and the need for a regime grows stronger. Hence there is becomes more strength and support in the Islamist movements the trust grows more, there is a sense of understanding that people in the state will never understand because its citizens helping citizens in most cases. For example, in Tunisia and Egypt, the important of reclaiming their rights through such things as their faith/religion and through the youth was helped many persevere. The messages that were in embedded in such movements bring motivation and comfort for them and the more the message is spread the more support and the strength in numbers is a major part of helping a regime become successful. 

RE: Social Movements and Democratization

For some individuals, social movements to be successful it needs to consist “sustained campaign of claim making, using repeated performances that advertise the claim, based on activities” (Tilly & Tarrow 216). On the other hands of things, author Joel Benin and Marie dub believe otherwise. The idea of social movements and the way it will succeed in the eyes of Benin must include the aspect of the "combination of an authoritarian state and . . . people who do not conceive of themselves as or aspire to be fully autonomous individuals detached from dense networks of families and friends" In any case the in order for a nation to be successful a widespread understanding and agreement within the society. In Tunisia for example it states that it “was held up as a positive example of modernisation in the MENA region and its civil society was considered far more vibrant than in neighboring states (Hardig 36). Tunisia became what it is today when it came to social movement right after his independence, “Tunisia has historical precedence for state organisation and as active civil society role before independence, the state was never fully in control of the civil society space — trade unions, while operating in corporate model as in Egypt, were much more autonomous from the state” (Hardig 37). If there is not any sort of established unified society, they will most likely be unable to successfully transition into a democracy.

RE: First Post

As many of the previous blog posts have stated the main reason that the region of MENA has a resistance to democracy has a lot to do with being uninformed about the main goal of democracy. Because the people of the region do not have the necessary knowledge and understanding on how to built an effective democracy that can withstand hardship, there is this “resistance” to it. The main causes for such resistance include first and foremost the status of the civil society which usually results from the lack of communication with their government. Specifically for Egypt and Tunisia Bellin presented the idea of “repression of civil society” as well the idea of the power the state has to erase whatever other groups or organizations presenting itself in a way that might threaten the government's place. And because of how isolated region there is always a sense of dependency that the civilization has on the government. The state controls everything that happens and most of the information given to the public because of that I truly believe that is where the lack of progress comes from. The state is too busy solidifying their control and making sure that the society stays weak is why individuals perceive the region as a weak state. It’s not that they necessarily are, it’s because the society really has no space to move forward and break away from their dependency.

Re: The Rise (and Fall?) of Political Islamism

Islamists have yielded success in Egypt and Tunisia because voters want to elect representatives that resemble their own beliefs and are able to empower the people away from oppression. Voters want an organization and a political structure that is able to stand the test of time and resist its opponents and oppressors. For example, the Muslim Brotherhood has been able to organize itself and communicate values and beliefs of its followers since 1928 despite Egyptian government opposition. The Brotherhood's strategic separation from the Egyptian regime and condemnation of its actions allowed it to amass half of the parliamentary seats in the 2011-2012 election (The Guardian). Meanwhile, Ennahda in Tunisia promised further democratic progression for the country and its future. Albeit strong pushback from the secular community, the party's appeals to Tunisian fears allowed it to become the most popular political party, gathering 29% of the popular vote.

Re: The Role of Social Media in the Arab Revolts

The advent of social media has proven to be crucial in the spread of ideas, information, and quite literally, movements. Social media acts as a virtual communal gathering space and provides easy access to direct messaging and the sharing of media, such as photos or videos of a specific event. During the evacuation of Aleppo, survivors desperately posted videos to Facebook and Twitter, telling their friends, families, and anyone who would listen goodbye. Fearful that they would not be alive by the time the video reached their loved ones, this act placed the dismal situation in Aleppo into perspective on a global stage.

The use of social media in the Arab Spring was crucial in effective planning for demonstrations and protests. As mentioned in Khondker's Role of the New Media in the Arab Spring, "we use Facebook to schedule the protests, Twitter to coordinate, and YouTube to tell the world" (Global Voice Advocacy, 2010). Without the integral role that each site played, protests and demonstrations may not have gathered the same support and showing of people. Sending a tweet or a direct message is faster, discrete, and more efficient than door-to-door campaigning and hanging posters. While it is an over-statement to say that social media was a defining factor in the revolts, we cannot understate their effectiveness.

Re: Social Movements and Democratization

According to Tilly and Tarrow, a social movement consists of "a sustained campaign of claim making, using repeated performances that advertise the claim, based on organizations, networks, traditions, and solidarities that sustain these activities" (206). However, in the case of the Egyptian Workers' Movement, Joel Beinin and Marie Duboc believe this definition should be altered to encompass the "combination of an authoritarian state and . . . people who do not conceive of themselves as or aspire to be fully autonomous individuals detached from dense networks of families and friends" (206). This particular movement was not focused under one organizer or party, rather the collective action of different localized movements. As noted, "these grievances were a response to the ongoing restructuring of the political economy affecting workers throughout Egypt" (207). For example, President Anwar al-Sadat's 1974 economic policy allowing for the privatization of public sectors disenfranchised thousands of Egyptian workers as "managers of public sector firms slated for privatization typically made them more attractive to buyers by reducing the workforce before the sale" (211). 2004 saw a second round of privatization under Prime Minister Ahmad Nazif, totaling $5.34 billion (211). Collective action in response to privatization erupted in worker strikes at the Misir Spinning and Weaving Company after governmental promises regarding a salary increase were not met. The workers organized a 4-day strike which ended with an awarded bonus and "assurances that the company would not be privatized" (218). This strike sparked strikes across the country and the government conceded in nearly all cases. 

The prevalence of civil society within a nation is crucial to successful social movements. For example, before the Arab Spring, “Tunisia was held up as a positive example of ‘modernisation’ in the MENA region and its civil society was considered far more vibrant than in neighbouring states” (Härdig 36). While anti-colonial movements of the 1950s began to shift public opinion of the status quo in colonial society, postcolonial governmental relations within Tunisia began to turn Tunisia into an authoritarian society even after its independence. However, “because Tunisia had a historical precedence for state organisation and an active civil society role before independence, the state was never fully in control of the civil society space – trade unions, while operating in a corporate model as in Egypt, were much more autonomous from the state” (Härdig 37). Without the establishment of a cohesive civil society, MENA nations are unable to attain democratic participation.

Re: Non-violent Movements and the Israel-Palestine Conflict

In the context of the Israel-Palestine conflict, and possible other non-violent action across the globe, I believe these movements do not garner the same attention as violent-action due to its lack of appeal to viewers. While my perspective may be a mundane and rather blunt point of view, television networks, magazine and newspaper, and clickbait headlines are in the business of attracting viewers and advertisements. For example, in Washington D.C., peaceful protests parading throughout the city immediately after the inauguration (excluding the Women's March) did not gather nearly as much media coverage compared to their violent counterparts that rioted throughout the evening. 

In the Israel-Palestine conflict, violence in the media has overshadowed non-violence for decades. During the 1947-49 exodus of Palestine, otherwise known as Nakba, violence and death dominated global news headlines while growing non-violent action was virtually ignored. Western media portrays Palestinians as violent terrorists claiming to reclaim their homes through means of violence. However, this is the only way Palestinians are able to convey their message due to virtual media silence in response to their non-violent action. Young Palestinians have grown accustomed to violent action gathering media coverage, creating a vicious cycle that increasingly diminishes the viability of non-violent action. In order for the conflict to ever reach a peaceful outcome, Western media must portray non-violent action as the path to success. Media ignorance of non violence only serves to feed this detrimental cycle.

Re: The Role of Social Media in the Arab Revolts

Social media played an incredibly important role in the Arab Revolts of 2011 because it gave people a platform to share stories, post videos, plan events, and spread news with millions of people at a time and for free.  It essentially gave a voice to the voiceless, because along with the invention of smartphones, social media allowed people to film acts of violence and post them on their accounts, or create groups on Facebook in which they could invite thousands to participate in demonstrations.  It opened up an array of horizons and allowed people from different communities and even different countries to communicate with one another and spread ideas.  

Social media wasn’t necessary for the demonstrations to happen, given the fact that revolution had been occurring for centuries before this invention, however, it did render rebellion easier and more accessible to the general public.  Without Facebook and Twitter as tools, these revolts perhaps would have taken a few more years or even decades to occur.  The anger and frustration with the government was always present, but it was social media that allowed people to publicly voice their opinions and convince other to join in on the demonstrations.  It put pressure on autocratic governments because it was suddenly much harder to hide human right abuses, and it also allowed for political activists, civil society and NGOs around to world to get a glimpse of life in countries such as Egypt and Tunisia and help foster movements that would seek to overthrow tyrannical leaders.

Re: Non-Violent Movements and the Israel-Palestine Conflict

I think one of the reasons (and perhaps the main one) for which non-violent action does not seem to gain the same attention and even response as violent action is the sheer nature of the conflict.  The Israeli military consistently uses violence against the Palestinians, and is so adept at overpowering any sort of rebellion that the Palestinians have no choice but to resort to violent means.  The tactics used in the Civil Rights Movement or under the British Occupation of India can not be replicated in this scenario because of the structure of the conflict.  

Armed resistance groups such as Hezbollah, Hamas and Fatah are the only forms of defense Palestinians can use to fight back against oppression.  Moreover, the reason nonviolent does not get as much attention is perhaps because the narrative of the conflict portrays Palestinians as violent and terrorists and Israelis as victims and simply wanting to defend their home.  The irony is that the reality is quite the contrary.  In this particular instance,  I don't necessarily disagree with the use of violent means, simply because it seems P,estonians have two options: two fight or to surrender.  They are lacking in basic needs such as food, water and medical care, so they do not have the luxury of boycotting or protesting.  They do not have the means or resources to fight back without force, which is why the conflict has turned to violent.  

Turning movement into political action

This article in the Atlantic is not MENA related, but it is directly related to our discussions on when social movements succeed:

How a Scientist Who Studies Marches Sees the March for Science

Re: The Role of Social Media in the Arab Revolts

Social media has been becoming increasingly important for social movement formation over the last decade as it serves as a platform for civilians to voice their opinions. Although it is increasing in importance, it is not a sole driving factor for the social mobilization of the Arab revolts of 2011. Yes, blogs, facebook, twitter, and the like are helpful in assisting organization, advocation, and informing citizens when there is not open/free media otherwise. However, as Axford discusses, social media was not protected against the government, so it wasn’t always free and open either. Because governments have control over their internet servers they had the ability to track posters and even shut the internet down if they wanted to. Axford states that in Tunisia, anti-regime bloggers were imprisoned and tortured. Facebook, which is commonly thought of as a platform that is used by those trying to mobilize social movement, was not free either. The government would frequently attempt to make fake pages to identify others who were anti the regime. The response of the Tunisian government is not unusual, and takes the power of social media away from the people.

I think that the Arab revolts of 2011 may have been more difficult to mobilize without social media, although I do not think that they would have been impossible. Facebook and Twitter make it easier for citizens to get information out to others, and to organize protests and such, and to share stories from those protests. In terms of the initial mobilization and then keeping that momentum going, social media was a relatively necessary factor in the Arab revolts of 2011, although after that, I think that Facebook and Twitter just became places where the government could capture revoltes.

The Role of Social Media in the Arab Revolts

Much has been written about the Arab revolts of 2011 and one of the central themes has been the potential role of social media. Mainstream media, ever desperate to 'get with the youth,' has been especially active in inventing catchy labels, such as the "Twitter Revolution" or "Facebook Revolution." For this week's structured response, I want you to think critically about this supposed importance of social media in the 2011 revolts. Using what you know about social movement formation, what would have been different without social media? Was social media a necessary factor for the revolutions to happen, or would they have happened regardless of Twitter and Facebook?

Non-violent Movements and the Israel-Palestine Conflict

As you may have already known, non-violent action in the Israel-Palestine conflict does not get even a fraction of the attention violent action does. Why do you think that is? In light of the readings, what do you think needs to happen for a peaceful future in Israel and Palestine?