Wednesday, March 30, 2016

Rentier States and MENA


According to Beblawi's Four Points, rentier states rely on an economy that is predominately focused on external income, with those generating this 'rent' being a very few number of people. The majority of people within rentier economies distribute or utilize the rent, not create it. In addition, Beblawi states that rentier incomes mainly go to the government when all is said and done. These characteristics are not supportive of healthy economies, and we can see this through the usage of the rentier state formula in the MENA region.

For the majority of actual rentier states, this type of economy does not benefit the people because most income is coming from foreign investments and most of the income itself is not going to social and economic programs within the country. When an economy relies so much on foreign dollars, how can a country support itself and develop into a strong economy through the creation of local business and transaction? In an international crisis, will the rentier state collapse due to the reliance on foreign capital? On top of this, many governments within the region don't invest in economic and social development programs that can benefit much of their populations. They instead spend much of the rent on the military, high government positions, and the elite. Charles Tilly says rentier states are not healthy because citizens don't pay many, if not any, taxes, which is also not good for developing beneficial state programs within the country. There can also be dissent among the populace due to the fact that their government is controlling very large amounts of money that don't seem to be going to things that benefit the public. The state and the people are virtually acting on totally separate economic fields, which can lead to greater disconnect and greater elitism.

There are multiple states within the MENA region that could qualify as a rentier state. Egypt, of which Beblawi is himself, is one of those. It is the most populated country in MENA and has one of the largest economies. Much of its rent comes from foreign aid (heavily invested in the military) and tolls on the Suez Canal. Unlike a 'traditional rentier state', Egyptians do pay some taxes, but not enough that it competes with foreign investments. Even if Egypt's economy were to rapidly grow and become extremely successful overnight, the people would not reap the benefits. There is too much of a gap between state's wallet and the people's wallet. This, along with the many other risks of heavily relying on foreign investment, is what is wrong with the rentier formula. It hurts the populace because  the decisions of the citizenry rarely get taken into account, all while the state continues to benefit economically (of which they are not spending on the actual people).

5 comments:

  1. I also think that the "social contract" breakdown in such economies is very interesting. In these regions, there has historically been a partnership between the state and its citizens. This relationship leads to political participation because people feel that their voice is being heard. But when the government does not need its people anymore in the rentier setting, they are cast aside. There is no way that a government can be healthy if it does not need its citizens. In fact, it seems to be an oxymoron.

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  2. I really like how you point out that there are different kinds of rentier states, as it is very easy to forget and only focus on an oil rentier state, as that one is probably the most prevalent in the MENA region. For example, as you mention, Egypt still relies heavily on foreign aid but it does not spurn from oil. The characteristics that make it a rentier state are the huge gap between the wealthy government and the common people, who have no access to the governments wealth at all.

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  3. I really love the way you broke this down and it really just helped me understand it better as well. I also like how you emphasize that their are different types of rentier states which I think is an essential fact that gets lost. I also liked your brief mention of how how if Egypt were to get this sudden influx of money the people wouldn't even benefit and that is so true! The gap is so wide that they probably wouldn't even know how much money their country actually has.

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  4. I hadn't thought of the dissolution of the social contract between governments and their constituencies as contributing to the deterioration of legitimacy. Thank you for shedding light on this subject.

    Do you think that if a rentier state's economy ceased its reliance on rent (i.e. if Egypt eliminated its reliance on oil exports) that the government and its constituency would be able to "operate on an equal playing field"? If not, what changes do you believe would need to take place for the gap between government and people to be eliminated (or at least sufficiently reduced)?

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  5. I love how you explained this. "There is too much of a gap between state's wallet and the people's wallet", when you said this, it made a lot of sense and I think anyone would be able to understand it. I like that you analyzed the rentier state formula to criticize it. I just accepted it but you mentioned the faults which I think was very interesting.

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