Bellin writes in her piece, "Coercive Institutions and
Coercive Leaders" that, most states in the MENA region have not
democratized or even begun transitioning towards democracy yet, because of
present conditions within the states. She argues that it is not because
of the prerequisite, non-democratic elements in these countries, but rather the
fact that they have strong government heads who are against democracy and
robust coercive apparatuses. Bellin is right to an extent. However,
I believe the MENA region has not been able to make progress in this area for
both prerequisite and present issues within the countries.
The anti-democratic prerequisites mentioned in Bellin’s piece
were a weak civil society, an economy that is largely in the state's hands,
people who are poor, illiterate and inequality that is significant, countries
geographically isolated from democratic examples, and the existence of cultures
that are inhospitable to democracy.
While she mentions that these should still be considered in determining
what keeps MENA states from democratizing, I think a couple should be
considered major constraints.
The present conditions would not be reasons the MENA states
have not democratized without some of the prerequisites. For example, presently the people who hold
political power within these states have an immense amount of power over the
people and therefore are able to maintain a monopoly on means of coercion and
rebellion. This would not be true
without the fact that the people they govern, are highly illiterate and
poor. It is much easier for the
government to persuade and manipulate these populations because they do not
have the educations or resources to effectively revolt against their
oppressors.
In light of the Arab Revolts of 2011, I think Bellin’s
argument is slightly inaccurate. She
argues that state power and the robustness of coercive apparatuses within the
governments make revolution and change nearly impossible when in 2011 the
people actually came fairly close to all out rebellion. These people were able to speak out however,
they could not fulfill their goals maybe because they did not plan enough. Leaders were forced to step down in several
countries however, these most of these states are still not free from
oppression today. Bellin writes about
how coup d’etats are not always effective because once the position is left
open it is up for grabs by anyone and everyone who wants it which can sometimes
result in an even more oppressive regime.
In this way Bellin’s argument is relevant to the Arab Spring however,
when she says that states will squash any initiatives favorable to democracy,
she is wrong. The states were not strong
enough to squash these revolts as they did go on for months and some even
achieved their goals of overthrowing oppressive leaders. The revolutionaries were simply unsuccessful
in maintaining the power and influence they had earned afterwards.
Bellin would probably describe the events in Tunisia and
Egypt in 2011 as being due to state inefficiencies, not the power of civil
society. When Tunisian and Egyptian
rebels united technologically via social media and strategized about how to
take down their oppressive leaders, the state governments did not do anything
to stop them. Bellin would argue that in
Egypt especially, Mubarak lacked the strength and the robust coercive apparatus
necessary to squash the democratic initiatives.
In conclusion, I do not think it is accurate to say that
the civil society in the MENA region is “weak and…an ineffective champion of
democracy.” There have been some successful
campaigns for democracy in this region so therefore they are not weak in
regards to this. These states have also
gained from time to time democratic elements in some areas such as Turkey,
Egypt and Tunisia. They are not
ineffective champions of democracy indefinitely although they have struggled
with it the most in the world I would say.
I think you make a really strong point that most people forget about when you say that Bellin is wrong when talking about how regimes will topple every democratic-associated initiative. You talk about how many revolutions were successful in fighting authoritarian regimes, they just weren't successful in retaining a stable democracy afterwards. You also bring up a good point that it could have been more state inefficiencies rather than civil society that toppled/re-shaped the Egyptian and Tunisian governments.
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